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Galeries / Galerien
Photos from Abkhazia
Mamuka Areshidze: Need to Consider Recognition of Abkhaz Independence
“We have to take extraordinary measures in order to return not Abkhazia, but to return Abkhazians… If we want to return Abkhazians, we should save them,” Areshidze said.
“Return of Abkhazians will be impossible if we leave them in the situation in which they currently are. Russia is vigorously changing demographic landscape of Abkhazia."
He said that Russia’s policy of encouraging its military personnel serving in Abkhazia and their families to stay in the region after end of service would further change the demographic situation by decreasing already diminished share of ethnic Abkhazians.
He said that independence for Abkhazia should not in any way be unconditional and it should be linked to set of preconditions, including return of refugees and internally displaced persons.
“I am not saying that we should directly give Abkhazia independence and put an end on that. We should put forth preconditions in the context of giving independence, for example return of refugees,” Areshidze said and added that by recognizing Abkhaz independence Tbilisi will distance Sokhumi from Moscow.
“That would be the only way for us to speak with the Abkhazians in presence of the international community without Russia,” Areshidze said.
“I want to say one thing: the time of traditional approaches is over. Our adversary, which has very strong political, diplomatic, as well as military resources, outdistances us in every way. So we have to make such a surprise move which will disarm our adversary – that means the move which will distance our adversary from the Abkhazians,” he said.
The case of South Ossetia is different, Areshidze said."
Civil Georgia
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U.S. State Department: Freedom of Speech and Press in Georgia
" During the year print media frequently criticized senior government officials. However, some individuals affiliated with these papers reported facing pressure, intimidation, and violence for doing so. Few newspapers were commercially viable. Patrons in politics and business typically subsidized newspapers, which were subject to their influence."
on tv-broadcasts:
"The International Research and Exchanges (IREX) Board's media sustainability index report for the year stated that "the ruling elite" exercised significant influence over the primary news companies to "shape the national narrative" and again raised concerns that the majority of media outlets remained split along political fault lines."
"The IREX Board's Media Sustainability Index for the year noted that national television stations rarely broadcast investigative stories. TI/Georgia's November 2009 report raised similar concerns. Rustavi 2, Imedi, and the GPB did not produce investigative reports."
on press-freedom:
"There were reports of direct physical attacks, harassment, and intimidation of journalists by government officials."
"There also were reports of attacks on journalists by nongovernmental actors."
on separatist regions (Abkhazia, South Ossetia):
"Media in the separatist regions of South Ossetia and Abkhazia remained tightly restricted by the de facto authorities and Russian occupying forces."
on freedom of assembly:
"The constitution and law provide for freedom of assembly; however, there were concerns about provisions in the law. During the year authorities permitted demonstrations; of the few large protests, most, but not all, were held without incident."
Read the full article at FINANCIAL / FINCHANNEL
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"Absense of Will" - Young Georgians investigate the reasons of Abkhaz/Ossetian/Georgian conflicts
Full title: "ABSENCE OF WILL. A journey through Georgia’s conflict zones"
Director: Mamuka Kuparadze
Description: "Vakho and Teo are twenty-something university graduates from the Georgian capital, Tbilisi. Born as the Soviet Union collapsed, they've grown up in the shadow of the wars that tore their country apart in the early nineteen nineties. They're too young to remember the fighting, but like everyone from their generation, their lives have been shaped by the legacy of the violence.
In the summer of 2008 Vakho and Teo set out to try to understand for themselves what caused the war in Abkhazia, and why after fifteen years of peace talks the sides are still no nearer to resolving their differences. Halfway through filming, fighting broke out again over South Ossetia. For a few brief days in August, war suddenly became a reality for Vakho and Teo, and as they experienced its horrors first hand, their search for answers became more personal and more urgent."
The documentary was shown on 10 September 2009 at the offices of the Heinrich Boell Foundation, Tbilisi.
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Paul Rimple:: Signifying mud
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The equation was simple. If Bush’s foreign policy was bad, then Saakashvili was bad. Therefore, his enemy Putin must be good. The man that leveled Grozny during his dirty war with Chechnya had suddenly become a victim of the Cheney doctrine. Blah blah blah.
I have friends in Armenia and Abkhazia that really believe the US masterminded the war, based on Russia’s successful propaganda machine and the logic that the US wouldn’t have armed and trained Georgia otherwise. The US can be blamed for lots of things but not for instigating or taking part in last August’s war. The US had repeatedly told Saakashvili to mellow out on the war drum stuff. Renewed conflict would only crush Bush’s big plan to get Georgia into NATO, which it ultimately did.
People also believe that Georgian troops were doped to kill civilians, as that is what the headlines said. The Moscow Bureau for Human Rights (MBHR) interviewed witnesses who claimed that captured Georgian troops had needle marks in their arms. Think about it. Georgian commanders handing out fixes of heroin to their men to help them run over babies in tanks and shoot grandmothers. The logic is compelling.
And as I have mentioned before, people are still stuck on the number of 2000 civilian deaths in Tskhinvali, a number that was accepted before the smoke cleared in the de facto South Ossetian capital, only two days after the August 8th attack. Later, the number fluctuated between 1400-2100, depending on who was reporting. Numbers are good for news. Even Reuters fell for it. It was too late when head of the Russian Prosecutor-General’s investigative committee, Alexander Bastyrkinet, came out with the official civilian death toll of 162 on Christmas 2008. Yet the number is enough for South Ossetia and Russia to claim “genocide” with a straight face, while marauders amped up on the conviction of 2000 deaths systematically destroyed Georgian villages, by flame and bulldozer, displacing tens of thousands people from their homes.
And today, because the Ukraine isn’t playing ball on Russia’s terms, the country has become implicated in the South Ossetia war. Mud flinging is free and easy when the state controls the media and Russia well knows that mud sticks, if you throw enough of it, often enough.
Find the full article here.
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Arms race in the Caucasus (Georgian-Russian Conflict)
"Russland hat laut seinem Nato-Botschafter Dmitri Rogosin das Recht, Abchasien und Südossetien bei Bedarf mit Waffen zu versorgen, damit sich diese vor erneuten Aggressionen schützen können."
(Translation:)
"Russia has the right to supply arms to Abkhazia and South Ossetia, if needed, says Dmitri Rogosin, Russian envoy to NATO. They must be able to defend themselves from renewed hostilities." Full text at RIA Novosti
Truth is, most of the (modern) weaponry will go to the russian military bases there.
Georgia / USA:
Philip J. Crowley, assistant secretary of state, said at a press briefing in Washington on July 23:
...
"Asked if the United States were “contemplating rearming Georgia” Crowley responded: “Georgia is on a path that the United States supports towards NATO membership. Clearly, a fundamental tenant of NATO membership is to have a military that meets NATO standards and would add to the capability of the alliance. So it is logical that the United States would have a military-to-military relationship with Georgia.” Full text at CivilGeorgia
(In fact, most arms come from the Ukraine, some from Israel. The US want to focus on military training, but don´t excluse arms-delivery in the future.)
It is interesting to note that provocations from both sides go on. Examples of the last week: Saakashvili openly hails Lukashenko´s maneuver against Moscow, urging who? to take the road to Sukhumi or Tskhinvali via Georgia proper. (Europe´s last dictator should know better: The roads from Georgia proper to Sukhumi and Tskhinvali are closed for foreigners.)
The russian government continues to launch anti-georgian propaganda. Rogosin mocks NATO and Georgia alike that there were only two choices for Georgia to achievie NATO membership: Accepting the de-facto borders or admitting Abchazia, South Ossetia and russian army bases alike into NATO. Furthermore, Moscow wants to know that the georgian governement plans manifestations on the de-facto border to South Ossetia or even a march into Tskhinvali. In this sweet story, RIA Novosti quotes US Secretary of State Joe Biden telling Michael Saakashvili to listen to his mother´s advice, just as he would listen to his 92-year-old mum himself. Well, you get the idea. (Interestingly, there seems to be no english version.) Finally, Russia is boasting about military advantages over its opponent. It seems as if the russian government desperately stems against the last remaining super-power just for a matter of principle: The more danger, the more honour.
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Paul Goble: Russian Experts Divided on Probability of New War with Georgia
As Moscow continues a military exercise in the North Caucasus that it says is designed to prevent conflicts, one leading Russian expert says that the probability of a new war between Russia and Georgia may be as high as 80 percent, while another suggests that such predictions themselves constitute “a dangerous provocation.
...
“In the government of Russia, there are no idiots ready to take such steps,” he says, and he offers three reasons for that. First, there are the upcoming negotiations with US President Barak Obama about strategic nuclear weapons, talks which are “important to Russia” and which the outbreak of a conflict could threaten.
Sergey Markedonov, a leading Russian specialist on the Caucasus:
Suppose for a minute that as these talks are going on, “a war with Georgia” breaks out. “What do you think Obama would do? It is not excluded that he would break off the talks and leave,” not an outcome that the Moscow leadership or the American leadership for that matter would be very happy about.
Second, Markedonov argues that “after the recognition of Abkhazia and South Ossetia, Russia is not at all interested in a new escalation of the conflict.” It has its forces and regimes where it wants them. And “if there had been a desire to occupy Tbilisi, this would already have been done in August of last year.”
And third, he points out, “it is necessary to understand that any politician who comes to power after [Georgian President Mikhiel] Saakashvili be it [Irakli] Alasania or [Nino] Burjanadze will not be pro-Russian. And that will be even more true if this [change in Tbilisi] occurs in the course of military actions.
At the same time, Markedonov insists, Georgia too “cannot be interested in a war now” because “many of the illusions [its leadership had last year] have already been dispelled, since the situation now is far from the most favorable.” First of all, Saakashvili “does not have the sympathy of the West” that he did.
Second, “Georgia’s strategic positions are much worse than they were a year ago,” even if one considers that only from the point of view of geography. And third, Georgia, which has received negative comments from European institutions in the past for last year’s conflict, would receive even more negative ones if it appeared that Tbilisi had in any way triggered a new war.
But Markedonov says that the biggest mistake those who predicting a new conflict on the basis of the ongoing maneuvers are making is to assume that the war last year was a rapid reaction “to the events of August 7-8.” In fact, last year’s war was, in Markedonov’s view, “the result of a four-year-long policy of Georgia” and Moscow’s plans to counter it.
Pavel Felgenhauer:
... the probability of a new war is “quite high, from 50 to 80 percent,” with the conflict most likely to begin “in the middle of July ..."
...
First, Moscow’s military maneuvers in the region have grown larger and have become more focused on Georgia than in the past. Second, Georgia can be counted on to do something that Moscow can point to as a provocation.
These Georgian actions may be no more than German claims that the Poles attacked the Germans in 1939 or Soviet suggestions in the same year that the Finns fired on the territory of the USSR. But a similar claim about Georgia will be sufficient not only to allow Moscow to act but to explain its actions to others.
And third, Felgengauer notes, there is an important difference between 2008 and 2009. “In August of last year, Georgia was not planning to fight with Russia; it had prepared for war with the separatists and therefore it suffered complete defeat. Now it is preparing for a war with Russia,” a conflict it cannot win but one that might draw in others on its side.
But the Moscow writer’s clinching argument from his point of view appears to be this: Moscow was able to fight a war last year without being punished or even all that seriously condemned by the international community, and thus Russian leaders thus have concluded that they can engage in a new war at little or no cost.
Read the full article on Georgian Daily.
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Save Georgia’s Peace Mission
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Now, Moscow has taken aim at the only major international organisation with a solid track record in Georgia, the 56-member Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE). The OSCE has been in Georgia for more than 15 years: monitoring unstable areas in and around South Ossetia, promoting conflict resolution, supporting minority issues, helping lay the foundations for democracy and the rule of law, and criticizing electoral fraud. In South Ossetia it even facilitated economic rehabilitation projects between ethnic Georgians and Ossetians until the August war.
Last Month, OSCE member states met in Vienna to work on a Greek-sponsored compromise to keep the OSCE in Georgia, one of the final steps in thorny negotiations which have been going on since January. But Moscow shot down the Greek proposal, which had already been heavily amended to try to address Russian concerns, by preventing it from coming up for a vote.
There are several possible reasons why Russia wants the OSCE out of Georgia, one of the Organization's biggest and most important missions.
Moscow could be reluctant for the world to see what has gone on inside South Ossetia under its eight-month military "liberation" activities.
Russia's huge military might did not prevent South Ossetian militias from driving about 25,000 ethnic Georgians from their homes. In many cases local militias burned, looted, and even bulldozed villages as Russian troops stood by, in actions that Human Rights Watch has called "crimes against humanity" and the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe termed "ethnic cleansing".
By closing the OSCE in Georgia, Russia also adds another front in its long-term diplomatic endeavour to undermine the efficiency of the OSCE as a whole. Since 1975, the Organization has helped promote European peace and security. But for years now, Moscow has been unhappy with the group's focus on human rights, media freedom and fair elections as the best way to encourage stability. Russia has used the political tools available to it as a member state to delay and obstruct the Organization's smooth functioning. Moscow has, for example, repeatedly delayed the passage of the OSCE's annual budget.
...Read the full article on Reuters.
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TBILISI BEING FORTIFIED FOR "POSSIBLE" MILITARY STRIKE
GEORGIA: TBILISI BEING FORTIFIED FOR "POSSIBLE" MILITARY STRIKE -- REPORT
6/05/09
Defensive fortifications are being set up around Tbilisi in anticipation of a possible military strike on the Georgian capital, according to a Georgian media report.
Rezonansi, an opposition-minded daily, claimed that in addition to Tbilisi, fortifications are being built near the administrative border with the breakaway region of Abkhazia, where Russia has troops stationed. Defense Ministry officials were not available to confirm or to deny the June 4 report.
In interviews with the paper, independent military experts stated that defense measures are being taken to protect Tbilisi. "This step is correct and logical because occupying troops are stationed just a few kilometers away from the capital..."Read the full article on EurasiaNet.
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Pavel Felgenhauer: "Russia's Coming War with Georgia" and my own thoughts...
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"South Ossetia, isolated and with its "independence" unrecognized by the international community, is in crisis. This may explain the constant bellicose statements coming from Tskhinvali: renewed military confrontation may seem the only way to end the unacceptable status quo, established by the August 12 ceasefire.
The belligerence of the separatists is actively supported by Moscow, which has its own reasons to detest the status quo. The Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov announced, "Russia is concerned about Georgian troop concentrations near the borders of South Ossetia and Abkhazia" (RIA-Novosti, January 16). EU assurances that there is no "troop concentration" are not accepted. This week the Russian permanent representative in the OSCE, Anvar Azimov, announced, "The Georgians are concentrating troops and heavy weapons, building new bases and checkpoints." Azimov accused the EU observers of impotence and illegally trying to move their operations into Abkhazia and South Ossetia (RIA-Novosti, February 11).
The ceasefire last August has left the strategically important Russian base in Armenia cut off with no overland military transit connections. The number of Russian soldiers in Armenia is limited to some 4000, but during 2006 and 2007 large amounts of heavy weapons and supplies were moved in under an agreement with Tbilisi from bases in Batumi and Akhalkalaki (Georgia). At present there are some 200 Russian tanks, over 300 combat armored vehicles, 250 heavy guns and lots of other military equipment in Armenia - enough to fully arm a battle force of over 20,000 (Nezavisimoye Voyennoye Obozrenie, August 20, 2004). Forces in Armenia can be swiftly expanded by bringing in manpower by air transport from Russia. Spares to maintain the armaments may also be shipped in by air, but if a credible overland military transit link is not established within a year or two, there will be no possibility to either replace or modernize equipment. The forces will consequently degrade, undermining Russia's commitment to defend its ally Armenia and Moscow's ambition to reestablish its dominance in the South Caucasus.
...
While snow covers the Caucasian mountain passes until May, a renewed war with Georgia is impossible. There is hope in Moscow that the Georgian opposition may still overthrow Mikheil Saakashvili's regime or that the Obama administration will somehow remove him. However, if by May, Saakashvili remains in power, a military push by Russia to oust him may be seriously contemplated. The constant ceasefire violations could escalate to involve Russian servicemen - constituting a public casus belli. The desire by the West to "reset" relations with Moscow, putting the Georgia issue aside, may be interpreted as a tacit recognition of Russia's right to use military force."
Read the full article at Jamestown Foundation.
Also read: Russia plans joint air-defense with Armenia (in German on RIA Novosti)
It's interesting to think further ahead. What if Georgia fell under the Kremlin's supremacy again? At least Abkhazia might very well try to gain true independence. (Remember the last elections, when Moscow's candidate was defeated?) For this case, they just established an air base in Abkhazia. The aim is not only to defend the Kremlin's interest in the South Caucasus region (mainly against Georgia), but also their stronghold in Abkhazia itself. This, too, explains why the Russian military has no interest in a peaceful settlement of the present conflicts around the two separatist regions of Georgia. Without the Abkhaz-Georgian antagonism, Sukhumi might rethink it's relationship with Moscow. (Among the population of Abkhazia, Russians are not as beloved as the official press tries to show us. Just think of the Olympic games at near-by Sotchi and astronomically rising real-estate prices in the northern cities of Abkhazia including Sukhumi and you get the picture.)
South-Ossetia, although poor, is still the biggest trump card in the hands of Putin and Medvedev. Firstly, because Russian tanks are stationed now only about 45 kilometers from Georgia's capital. Secondly, because South-Ossetia looks south to Georgia's weakest strategic point, that is the rather narrow East-West-connection (the "highway" running from Tbilisi to Batumi). Thirdly, continuing violations of the ceasefire-agreement create pressure on Saakashvili's government and an athmosphere of instability and unsureness, deterring investors and thwarting Georgia's ambitions on NATO-membership. And eventually, there is another option: By "proving" that an independent South-Ossetia could not defend itself against "aggressive" Georgia, it can graciously be admitted into the Russian Federation in a year or two.
The reference to Armenia and Russian troops stationed in Armenia might also give a clou to the (indirect) support of the Javakheti-movement of Armenians in Georgia, pressing for autonomy. Recent history has shown what "autonomy" for Georgia really means - the destruction of a multi-ethnic state, while on the other hand side the war against "bandits" and separatism in Chechnyia and elsewhere in the North Caucasus continues, accepted by the West as a "fight against terrorism" after 9/11.
What next will be accepted by the West, falsely assuming "common interests" with Putin and his camarilla?
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Ariel Cohen: Russia regains key air base to project power in Caucasus
In the Soviet times, Gudauta -- Bombora -- air base could accommodate all types of military aircraft, including fighter jets, close air support and heavy military transport. The air base used to host a separate paratroops regiment and was among the first air bases to receive the Soviet Sukhoi Su-27 fighter jets (NATO designation Flanker). Sukhoi fighters also operated out of Bombora against Georgian attack aircraft and helicopters
in the 1992-1993 Georgian-Abkhaz war. At that time, the Russian military ran the base.
In 1999, acting upon Georgia's demands, Moscow committed to withdrawing from the Gudauta base. In 2001 it declared that it had done so -- a claim Tbilisi has contested continually. According to Gazeta.ru, the Abkhazian Ministry of Foreign Affairs has indirectly confirmed the presence of Russian aircraft in Gudauta after the alleged withdrawal.
In the recent 2008 conflict, Russian airborne troops landed in Bombora to fight the Georgian army in western Georgia.
...With additional warships, fighter aircraft and military personnel near the Black Sea coast of Georgia, Russia is challenging the position of Washington, which recently signed a Strategic Partnership Charter with Tbilisi. In summer 2008, American warships were still able to enter the Georgian waters to deliver humanitarian aid for the war victims.
The United States supports Georgia's sovereignty and is interested in the security of strategic oil and gas transportation routes from the Caspian basin to the West, particularly the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan oil pipeline.
The new Russian naval and air bases in Abkhazia will change the geopolitical balance of power in the region. They will strengthen Moscow's military stance and make the restoration of Georgia's territorial integrity an almost unrealistic project -- exactly what Moscow is trying to achieve.
Ariel Cohen, Ph.D., senior research fellow in Russian and Eurasian studies and international energy security at the Catherine and Shelby Cullom Davis Institute at The Heritage FoundationRead the full article on georgiandaily.com
You can see Bombora quite well on Google Earth only a few km west of Gudauta.
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"As Russia has helped Abkhazia and South Ossetia, we expected the same from America." Discussing politics with Georgian pensioneers at Turtle Lake
"I'm not pleased with how Europe has reacted," said Merab Saqvarelidze, 60, a doctor. Recalling Europe's appeasement of Hitler in the 1930s, he said, "Georgia doesn't need the same mistakes. Georgia needs, now, weapons and Stinger rockets. The Americans give Israel weapons and rockets, and for us they sent only candies and water" — a reference to humanitarian aid.
"And shampoo," said Giorgi Sikharulidze, 55.
In the crisp morning air, joggers bounced by and young mothers chatted over baby carriages. Cups of strong Turkish coffee were served. From the next table came the sound of dice hitting a backgammon board.
Whether the participants are talking about U.S. assistance or how ancient feasting traditions are being lost in Georgia's transition to capitalism, the style of these daily discussions is similar: Arms flail. Voices rise. Occasionally, the plastic table is pounded.
"Even when there are only four or five Georgians," Sikharulidze said, "they are arguing all the time."
Sometimes they argue with people who are not there. For example, with President Bush, over his September speech at the United Nations. "He should have been more critical," said Temo Gotsadze, 67, a bearded artist. "He did not defend Georgia as much as he should."
"Georgia is being punished," Saqvarelidze said, "because between two powerful countries, it chose America."
Should it have chosen Russia? The men shook their heads. No. Still, though, "We were expecting much more than just words," Sikharulidze said. "For example, as Russia has helped Abkhazia and South Ossetia, we expected the same from America."
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Saakashvili: "Level of democracy is a matter of our national security”
“Transparent election is a matter of our prestige,” he pointed out and added that Georgia should not give a reason to the international community to say that Georgia is not a democracy. He suggested that lack of democracy in Georgia would give a pretext to EU to stop pressuring Russia over Georgia. “So level of democracy is a matter of our national security as well,” he added.
Seven parties are contesting for 18 seats in the Adjara Autonomous Republic’s local parliament – the Supreme Council.
Two of them – Christian-Democratic Party; On Our Own are parties which make up the parliamentary minority. Other five parties are: the ruling National Movement Party; the Georgian Troupe; Industrialists; the Georgian Politics and United Communist Party of Georgia.
Most of the opposition parties, including those which were part of the opposition coalition, have decided to boycott the elections. Although the Conservative Party decided to undergo a formal registration, it said it did so to use the televised airtime allocated for the parties during the electoral campaign to call on voters for the boycotting and for pushing its other agendas.
The opposition parties mainly cited the new political realities, which they said, had emerged in the country after the August war behind their decision to boycott the Adjara polls (Labor Party, however, announced about its boycott before the August). Parties which were part of the opposition coalition, as well as the Republican Party, say that there are other priorities now than the local elections in Adjara, including working out a joint opposition tactic to achieve earlier general elections.
The opposition parties say they are holding consultations on the matter, but they have not yet produced a joint view on the tactics. Most of them agree that the anniversary of the break up of protest rally a year ago by the authorities should be marked on November 7 with a protest rally; but it remains unclear yet whether it will be just a symbolic demonstration or the opposition will also use the rally to push for the political demands – including the one on early parliamentary elections."
Read the full article on Civil Georgia: "Saakashvili on Opposition Boycott of Adjara polls"
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Georgia-Russia peace talks in Geneva fail
However, others at the conference, which was held in Geneva, said the talks collapsed because the Russian delegation refused to participate in a plenary session unless officials from South Ossetia and Abkhazia were allowed in, while Georgia insisted they could only participate in informal working groups on the sidelines of the meeting, which was held in Geneva."
The full article: EuropeanVoice.com
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Former Putin advisor says: "President Saakashvili's decision to move against Tskhinvali "was self-defense, though it was quite a risky self defence"
"The build up culminated with the amassing of 80,000 regular troops and paramilitaries close to the Georgian border, at least 60,000 of which participated in the August war," he explained.
"On 7 August it is estimated that 20,000 to 25,000 Ossetian and Russian troops and 240 tanks were in South Ossetia," he said, adding that the Georgian army has altogether 29,000 troops and 200 tanks, with the main part being stationed to the west facing Abkhazia.
"In the proximity of South Ossetia there were perhaps only 4,000 to 5,000 troops and 42 Georgian tanks," Mr Illarionov said, reminding that president Mikhail Saakashvili declared unilateral ceasefire on 7 August, only to see unprecedented shelling of the Georgian villages in South Ossetia that night.
"All of a sudden they understood that if the Ossetian-Russian troops move, it could be a matter of hours for them to get to Tbilisi."
President Saakashvili's decision to move against Tskhinvali "was self-defense, though it was quite a risky self defence," Mr Illarionov said.
"Saakashvili had received a very clear signal from the West - that America and Europe would not help. Even if the US would have decided to help, it was completely unrealistic, because it would have taken at least two weeks to deploy the very first troops. And it was very clear that 2 weeks was too late to defend Georgia. That is why he took this decision, clearly understanding that he would be left alone in front of Russia," he explained."
Read the full article on EUobserver.
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Erosion

In the mountains, the result of massive logging can be seen frequently - as on the following picture:
Georgian military highway near GudauriEspecially during the early 90s, a high number of trees were cut down illegally. There is an interesting report of 1999 by the NGO "Grid" (based in Tbilisi) showing the increase of CO2-emissions in Georgia due to illegal deforestation and the decrease of forest planting and sowing in the `90s. The Georgian Ministry of Environment estimated the total amount of logging to be as high as 2.5 million m³ in 1996. This number seems to be heavily disputed though, as other sources speak of around 50.000 m³ "only". As with all illegal activities, it is impossible to calculate exact figures.
In 1996 40% of Georgia were still covered by forests, but illegal wood-cutting continues to pose a serious threat to the biodiversity of the Caucasus, as the WWF reports. With corruption beeing endemic, one can be sure that officials had and still have their share in illegal exports. (I remember seeing a drug-addict punshing the needle into his venes in the georgian border-post to Azerbaijan in 1998. Everybody knew one could by heroin there, so what else would you expect?)
The Georgian Times reports on illegal wood-export from Abkhazia by Turkish business-men. Since the rose revolution, the Georgian government takes a tougher stand on smuggling over the Black Sea, though.
So how about today? Well, I couldn´t find information about illegal timber-export since the rose-revolution. I suppose the amount has decreased but still poses a threat to the Caucasus flora.
Back to the picture above: The erosion which you can see was caused by wood-cutting. People pulled tree-trunks down the mountain slopes. Rain and snow did the rest.
Thanks for visiting caucasus-pictures. Hope to see you again soon! I´m happy for all feed-back, so why not post a comment?
Henning(i)
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